Recent Washington Law Changes Make Seafair Boating Under The Influence (BUI) Charges Even More Critical – Part I

Recent Washington Law Changes Make Seafair Boating Under The Influence (BUI) Charges Even More Critical – Part I

Recent changes make BUI penalties just as harsh as DUI laws.  The Legislature made four major changes to BUI laws:

  • Previously, BUI was punishable by no more than 90 days in jail and a $1,000.00 fine.  Now BUI is a gross misdemeanor – the same as a DUI – and BUI skippers can be punished by up to 364 days in jail and up to a $5,000.00 fine.
  • Before, there was no Washington penalty for refusing a breath test or a blood test (although the US Coast Guard could impose up to a $7,000.00 civil penalty – usually a $500.00 penalty for refusing a chemical test).  Now, anyone boating in Washington gives their “implied consent” to a breath test or a blood test.  BUI skippers who refuse a chemical test can be fined $1,000.00.
  • Formerly, although it was illegal to operate a boat under the influence of marijuana, there was no specific illegal marijuana level.  Now, like drivers, boaters can be convicted of BUI if their THC blood concentration is 5.00 or more.
  • Even though DUI law changes prevent officers from taking a driver’s blood unless the officer gets a search warrant, the driver’s consent (most drivers would be foolish to consent) or exigent circumstances, the new BUI laws give officers permission to take blood in much broader circumstances, and to impose the $1,000.00 penalty for drivers who refuse a blood test.

These recent BUI law changes make a BUI charge much more serious than it was even a year ago.

Update from March: Seferian-Jenkins pleads guilty to DUI

SEATTLE — July 15th, 2013

Washington tight end Austin Seferian-Jenkins pleaded guilty Monday to a charge of driving under the influence stemming from his arrest after crashing his car in March.

Seferian-Jenkins made the guilty plea in Seattle Municipal Court during what was supposed to be a pre-trial hearing on his case. Seferian-Jenkins was sentenced to 364 days in jail with 363 suspended. Court records indicate Serferian-Jenkins is scheduled to serve his one day in jail on July 31. Washington begins fall camp on Aug. 5.

Whether Seferian-Jenkins will be on the practice field for the start of camp remains a question. He was suspended from team activities following his March arrest and coach Steve Sarkisian has not given indications of when Seferian-Jenkins will rejoin team activities or any punishment he might face.

A Washington athletic department spokesman said Monday no statement was expected from the school or Sarkisian about Seferian-Jenkins’ guilty plea. Washington opens the season on Aug. 31, hosting Boise State.

“I want everyone to know how sorry I am for the disappointment and embarrassment I have caused. I especially want to apologize to my teammates, my coaches and particularly my family,” Seferian-Jenkins said in a statement released by his attorney. “I also want to apologize to the entire University of Washington family for not living up to my expectations. I hope that everyone can learn from my mistake so that they do not commit the same lapse in judgment that I committed this part March.”

Last season, Seferian-Jenkins caught 69 passes for 850 yards — both single-season records for Washington tight ends — and seven touchdowns. He was one of three finalists for the Mackey Award given to the top tight end in the country and was named a third-team all-American by the AP.

He was arrested on March 9 following a late-night car accident. His blood-alcohol level was 0.18 percent, more than twice the state limit. A police report stated Seferian-Jenkins’ vehicle was found at the bottom of a catch basin at a park near the University of Washington. The driver objected to medical care, but was eventually placed on a backboard and transported to Harborview Medical Center. He objected to a blood test at the hospital before police obtained a search warrant to draw his blood.

Wearing a tan blazer and black tie, Seferian-Jenkins apologized during his statement to the court. Seferian-Jenkins’ attorney, William Kirk, noted his client chose to stop driving after his arrest and started walking most places, to which Judge Fred Bonner said, “That might be good for you.”

Before issuing his sentence, Bonner told Seferian-Jenkins that one thing he could do for the court is, “Talk to your teammates about what you have been through.”

DUI attorneys form PAC to vet municipal, district judges

In recent years, a political group founded, financed and led by local DUI defense attorneys has become a muscular force in typically low-profile elections for municipal- and district-court judges.

By Jim Brunner and Brian M. Rosenthal

Seattle Times staff reporters

June 23, 2013

 Citizens for Judicial Excellence is a political-action committee.
Enlarge this photoKen Lambert / The Seattle Times

 Citizens for Judicial Excellence is a political-action committee.

Enlarge this photo

Ken Lambert / The Seattle Times

 

When DUI defense lawyer Ted Barr appears in court, he wears a small lapel pin intended to send a message to judges.

The pin bears the circular logo of the Citizens for Judicial Excellence (CJE), a political-action committee founded, financed and led by Barr and other local criminal-defense attorneys who specialize in drunken-driving cases.

In a CJE newsletter last fall, Barr explained he wears the pin every day to remind judges that the group is tracking their performance and will “do something about it if that judge regularly falls short of the highest standards.”

“This is not about intimidation,” wrote Barr, CJE’s president, adding that “good judges welcome our attention to what they are doing, and only bad judges fear it.”

CJE has shown it can back up such talk. Over the past several years, the group has emerged as a muscular — and some say unprecedented — force in typically low-profile elections for municipal- and district-court judges in King and Snohomish counties.

As state lawmakers once again debate tougher laws following a spate of alcohol-related fatal crashes, CJE is maneuvering to influence the elections for judges who preside over most drunken-driving cases.

National experts say it is one of the only groups in the United States raising money to affect the outcomes of such low-level judicial races.

CJE won four of five races it targeted in 2010, including ousting two incumbent judges with independent-expenditure campaigns that dwarfed spending by the targeted candidates.

Now, it’s gearing up for 2014.

While Barr declined to be interviewed, other CJE leaders said they’re interested only in electing the best qualified candidates, not those who will go soft on DUI defendants.

“We’re extraordinarily proud of our work in improving the judiciary,” said Stephen Hayne, a longtime Bellevue attorney and CJE co-founder, noting the group has backed ex-prosecutors and targeted judges widely criticized for poor behavior.

But some critics worry the interest group may give DUI lawyers too much sway in elections that pick the judges they appear before regularly.

State Sen. Adam Kline, D-Seattle, a  lawyer who serves as the ranking Democrat on the Senate Law and Justice Committee, said defense attorneys have every right to organize politically.

But he worries the PAC’s reputation as a powerful election-year force will get inside judges’ heads.

“If this goes around the courthouse … this group is going to make judges have to take into account political considerations, and it’s going to alter the way justice is actually administered in the courtroom. Not good,” said Kline, who favors moving to a system of appointed judges.

Successful fundraising

To Kline and other critics, CJE is concerning because it operates in a world of downballot court races, where relatively small independent expenditures can be decisive.

Since 2007, the group has raised $565,000 and spent $381,000, according to the state Public Disclosure Commission (PDC). It ranks as the state’s fifth-wealthiest continuing political-action committee for 2013 — ahead of PACs representing doctors, hospitals and gun owners.

The district and municipal courts handle the lowest levels of criminal offenses — misdemeanors, traffic infractions as well as most drunken-driving cases.

Spending on judicial races has jumped nationally in the past decade, but most has flowed to state Supreme Court races, said Adam Skaggs of the Brennan Center for Justice at New York University’s law school.

“To the extent that it now is trickling down to the trial-court judges is very troubling,” Skaggs said. “The groups that spend this kind of real money in judicial elections are not doing so for altruistic reasons. They’re doing so because they think that they can elect judges that will issue judicial decisions of the sort that they want.”

In some ways CJE is transparent about its efforts. The group’s polished website boasts it has become “the most effective and influential political force in the legal community.” The site is testing a “rate the judges” app and advertises a coming “Meet the Judges” patio party at a Newcastle golf club.

But left unmentioned is that the group’s funding and leadership derives almost entirely from DUI attorneys and allies, including high-risk insurers and ignition-interlock manufacturers. The board of directors consists of eight DUI defense attorneys and the co-owner of a local bail bonds company.

Hayne, the co-founder, acknowledged the group’s name makes CJE sound like it has a more broadly based leadership.

“It sounds phony — I’m kind of embarrassed about that,” Hayne said. “One of the things we should probably do is change the name.”

However, Hayne said CJE is open to anyone with an interest in quality judges and the group has even included a couple of prosecutors in the past.

It currently has 116 members who pay annual dues of $1,200, with that fee halved for attorneys with less than five years experience and government lawyers such as public defenders.

Balance of power

Some of the Seattle area’s top DUI defense lawyers formed CJE in 2007 after deciding they’d had enough of certain judges treating attorneys and clients disrespectfully — with no apparent consequences come election time, founders of the group recalled.

DUI defendants in particular sometimes suffered from rude and sarcastic treatment, Hayne said.

The defense attorneys also believed the balance of power was tilted in favor of law enforcement in the courtroom and during elections.

“The prosecutors had a voice, and the police had a voice, and so we wanted a voice —  and it worked well,” said Geoffrey Burg, a 19-year DUI lawyer and a CJE co-founder.

As those who work in the local courtrooms daily — more than 5,000 DUI cases funnel through the King County and Seattle courts each year — the DUI attorneys felt they were in a prime position to judge the judges.

CJE’s activities fired up for the 2010 election, when the group hired former judge Mary Ann Ottinger to interview dozens of potential candidates and identify which incumbent judges were generally held in low esteem.

“Our criteria was excellence. We weren’t looking for people to be excellent defense judges or excellent prosecutor judges. We were looking for people to be excellent judges,” Burg said.

CJE backed candidates in five races, three in King County District Court and two in Seattle Municipal Court.

They went after two incumbents who made easy targets: Seattle’s Edsonya Charles, who had scored poorly in a King County Bar Association survey; and King County’s Judith Eiler, who had been censured for rude conduct.

In the Charles race, CJE supported the challenger Ed McKenna and spent nearly $70,000 on an independent campaign that included mailers slamming Charles as “the worst judge in King County.”

Charles mustered $47,000 for her re-election effort.

Charles made CJE’s participation a central issue in the campaign, accusing the group of illegally coordinating with McKenna. (Those charges were dismissed by the PDC.)

McKenna won easily.

In an interview, McKenna said he had “mixed emotions” about CJE’s influence, which he said might linger in the back of other judge’s minds as elections approach.

But McKenna, who was a prosecutor for 20 years, said he’s had no problem ruling against CJE leaders in DUI cases since he became a judge.

“I like to think judges are able to separate their legal reasoning from any political influence,” he said.

Charles did not return messages seeking comment. Some of her supporters remain angry at CJE, arguing defense lawyers orchestrated an unfair smear campaign based on anonymous bar ratings.

“It’s not a citizens group,” said attorney James Tupper. “It represents a very narrow section of the bar … and they really have an outsized ability to influence those races.”

Eiler too lost overwhelmingly to a CJE-supported challenger, Susan Mahoney.

CJE candidate Matt Williams won a District Court seat with 51 percent of the vote, while CJE candidate Steve Rosen was unopposed for Municipal Court.

The lone CJE-backed candidate who lost in 2010, John O’Brien, fell to an incumbent who had just been appointed to the King County bench, Michael Finkle.

Finkle said in an interview that he tries not to “pay attention to whether someone is with a particular constituency when they come before me.”

King County Prosecutor Dan Satterberg’s office declined to comment on CJE’s activities.

Seattle City Attorney Pete Holmes said he takes the group at its word that it is interested in quality judges: “I would doubt they have the ability to promote DUI-soft attorneys to the bench anyway,” he said.

But Seattle DUI prosecutor Rachel Cormier Anderson said “this group is very particular and has a very common goal. I do have concerns about that.”

Planning ahead

Buoyed by its successes, CJE has been organizing for the next round of judicial elections in 2014 — and it even has landed a role in local judicial appointments.

In March, the Metropolitan King County Council appointed Bellevue attorney Ketu Shah as a King County District Court judge to fill a court vacancy.

Shah had been on CJE’s shortlist of favored candidates submitted to the council, putting the group on par with the King County Prosecutor’s Office, which has long weighed in on such appointments.

Without help, Shah might be “unelectable” due to voter bias against his foreign-sounding name, Hayne said. In 2010, Shah placed third in a judicial primary for District Court despite outspending the second-place finisher nearly 5 to 1. (CJE was not involved in that race.)

“We are a very powerful ally for Ketu,” Hayne said. “We think he is a good judge.”

As CJE gears up for next year’s judicial races, the group has been organizing poker-night fundraisers and looking to identify and train the next round of attorneys deemed ready to step up to the bench.

CJE has an extensive vetting process and will not endorse except in races where there is an objectively superior candidate, Hayne said.

The judges CJE has backed so far have not proven overly pro-defense, Hayne said, noting he’s fielded complaints from fellow defense lawyers and that some of those judges have ruled against him on motions where he thought he had good arguments.

But Hayne said he believes that everyone who appears in the municipal and district courts is being treated “more fairly” than they were four years ago.

And CJE stands ready to back a challenger if any judge falls short of its standards.

“I want a judge to understand there is a sense of accountability — that this is not a lifetime appointment,” he said.

Seattle Times reporter Justin Mayo contributed to this report.

Jim Brunner: 206-515-5628 or jbrunner@seattletimes.com. On Twitter @Jim_Brunner